https://irfajournal.csr.ir/ Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs en daily 1 Sat, 23 Aug 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 23 Aug 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_227357.html Following the adoption of the Magnitsky Act in the United States (2012) and the establishment of a similar regime by the European Union (2020), targeted human rights sanctions have emerged as a significant and increasingly institutionalized tool in transatlantic foreign policy. This research conducts a comparative analysis of the U.S. and EU Magnitsky sanctions frameworks, focusing specifically on their application in the case of Iran. How do institutional design differences between the US and EU influence Magnitsky sanctions implementation, and what implications do these variations hold for transatlantic human rights diplomacy? The analysis focuses on sanctions targeting Iranian officials as a comprehensive case study. The research hypothesis posits that divergent institutional architectures—U.S. executive-centered authority versus EU consensus-based decision-making—produce systematic variations in sanctions timing, scope, legal standards, and strategic integration. These differences reflect broader constitutional traditions fundamentally shaping human rights diplomacy approaches. Employing a comparative methodology to assess the logic behind the design and implementation of each sanctions regime. The analysis reveals that institutional diversity creates both coordination challenges and complementary capabilities in transatlantic relations. While American institutions enable swift comprehensive responses, European frameworks produce legally sustainable, multilaterally legitimate measures. Effective cooperation requires sophisticated coordination mechanisms leveraging institutional complementary . https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233877.html Relations between Iran and the United States have always been frigid or antagonistic in nature since the Islamic Revolution. But during the past 45 years, some Iranian reformist officials have been trying to de-escalate tensions and normalize relations with the United States of America. In this study, five milestones of Iran’s détente policy have been examined. These cases include Iran's mediation in freeing the American hostages from Lebanon, Iran's lucrative economic offer to the American Conoco oil company, Iran's intelligence assistance to the US in Afghanistan for fighting against terrorism, introducing the so-called "Grand Bargain" proposal to negotiate and settle all the bones of contention with the United States, such as supporting Hezbollah and Iran’s presence in Iraq, etc. In this study, by using the method of "Process Tracing" and by analyzing the primary sources such as the US congressional records along with the IAEA reports, the influential factors in these cases were discussed in detail, and finally, the reverse results or futility of each of these measures were stated in the words of the American officials. The analysis of the détente cases confirmed the theory of "Empire, Client, Enemy States", proving that rapprochement from Iran, which is considered enemy state for the US, whether it is strategic, political or economic, will fail until the basic internal power arrangements in Iran and the nature of the Islamic Revolution alter and Iran's role towards the United States changes from an enemy to a client state. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_227358.html Since the Iranian Studies Discipline created, different perspectives have taken shape and serve to present different representations of Iran. The purpose of this research is to identify the discourses of the Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, as examples for contemporary institutions active in the field of Iranian Studies that comprise a range of different viewpoints of scholars participating in that area. Thus, through an analysis of this encyclopedia, several approaches and their possible discourse(s) can be identified based on various individual and institutional dimensions. In this research, thematic analysis and Van Dijk Critical Discourse Analysis are being used as methods to study the Iran-Iraq War raised in the relevant entries in the encyclopedia. Results show that perspectives relating to Iran in this encyclopedia are multi-faceted and in addition to the Western view toward the East, the perspectives of Easterners and Iranians (focusing primarily on the Iranian diaspora) toward Iran have been included. The representation of Iran in each and every one of these perspectives contains unique differing features as well as definitions of "self" and "others" with regard to Iran and the Islamic Republic. The integration of these approaches is reflected in the discourses and sub-discourses of Iranian studies in Western institutions. The study also shows that institutions and researchers may both involved in shaping these discourses; however as specifically related to the analysis of this encyclopedia, the role of personal perspectives and backgrounds of researchers outweigh the institutional role. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233383.html With the Persian Gulf oil supplies as vital as ever to the global economy, the quest for reliable security in this region has never been more important rather than now and for near and far future. Roughly 25 percent of the world's oil production derives from the Persian Gulf. It enjoys as much as two-thirds of the world's oil reserves, and its oil is absurdly economical to produce. This region, with 622,000 million barrels of crude oil, is the world’s most important oil storage and reservoir. The paper tries as its major question to propose a general framework describing the security system of Persian Gulf which is in a gradual and sensible transition now and especially for the near future. Any assessment of new situations of Power equations in Persian Gulf should cover a range of factors that are influenced by the political systems of the reginal countries and policies of the peripheral and extra-regional powers. Our research and study method relies on the descriptive-analytical method, and we try to analyze the data by referring to documents and expert opinions. The proposed idea of a "Persian Gulf Security Council (PGSC)" aims to establish a cooperative, viable, and firm regional security framework for the Persian Gulf, composed exclusively of regional states with observer members consisting of peripheral and trans-regional actors, seeking to foster stability, conflict resolution, and cooperation in security. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233385.html This article reconceptualizes the European Union’s Artificial Intelligence Act (AIA) as a catalyst for recursive governance rather than a static legal instrument. While existing scholarship has examined regulatory overlaps with the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), particularly in relation to high-risk AI systems and compliance burdens, it has largely overlooked how the AIA transforms the broader governance ecosystem. The research asks: How do peripheral and non-formally embedded actors influence the trajectory of AI governance in the EU following the AIA’s adoption? The central hypothesis is that disruptive actors—including the European Data Protection Board (EDPB), national regulators, and regional infrastructure initiatives—reshape post-AI Act governance by injecting citizen-centric accountability and expanding regulatory norms beyond the Act’s formal legal architecture. Empirical analysis of institutional consolidation (AI Office, AI Board), Member State innovation (Spain’s ALIA, Barcelona AI Factory), and strategic interventions by non-embedded bodies (EDPB) demonstrates how legal codification activates multi-scalar feedback loops and pluralistic norm expansion. The article contributes to experimentalist governance literature by showing that post-legislative regulation is shaped by infrastructural experimentation, normative turbulence, and strategic behavior at the margins. The EU’s AI regime emerges as a living system—where law, infrastructure, and contestation co-evolve in real time. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233384.html The Indian Ocean region is renowned for its abundant energy resources, and the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region remains closely connected through trade, geopolitics, and energy security. The Indian Ocean serves as a vital maritime route for transporting oil worldwide. This interconnectedness makes the area a key focus for geopolitical rivalry, as major powers like the U.S. and China compete for influence through military bases, port investments, and strategic alliances; however, the increasing naval cooperation between China and Iran significantly impacts the MENA region due to a defense agreement that lasts 25 years and includes a comprehensive strategic partnership. This has resulted in numerous military exercises, intelligence sharing, and weapons deals. Neo-realism is a preferred approach in research because it explains why China remains cautious, balancing its strategic support for Iran with broader economic and diplomatic objectives. It involves avoiding direct conflict with the U.S. and its allies in the MENA region. Although not an official defense pact, this alignment signals a growing transactional partnership fueled by shared geopolitical interests in the Indian Ocean, especially near the Gulf of Oman. Using qualitative research methods, the study aims to evaluate the implications for U.S. strategic interests, as well as Sino-Iranian naval relations and regional perspectives. The findings suggest that China-Iran naval cooperation could influence maritime security, energy routes, and the regional balance of power among major nations, prompting a reassessment of U.S. strategy in the region. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233865.html In recent decades, the water crisis in the Middle East has evolved from a purely environmental issue into a complex security and geopolitical challenge, undermining national sovereignty, regional stability, and international relations. This study aims to analyze the strategic dimensions and political consequences of the water crisis and to propose a framework for sustainable cooperation in the management of shared water resources.The central research questions are: What is the relationship between the water crisis and the redefinition of national security and regional order in the Middle East? And what scenarios can be envisioned for the future of geopolitical relations among countries in the region?Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the study uses multi criteria decision making methods (AHP, ANP, TOPSIS) and scenario analysis based on Shell models and morphological analysis to explore the crisis from hydro-political, climatic, security, and institutional perspectives.The findings reveal that in the face of structurally ineffective international legal regimes and the instrumentalization of water diplomacy as a tool of geopolitical leverage, upstream countries are imposing water hegemony on downstream states through dam construction and data control.The research identifies the water crisis as a major driver of ethnic and sectarian fault lines, climate-induced migration, and geo strategic divergence. In this context, redefining water governance as a foundational element of national security and a source of soft power alongside regional institution-building, technological advancement, multi layered diplomacy, and information transparency is the only viable pathway to achieving sustainable water security.The proposed model, based on multi-level governance, binding legal frameworks, and multilateral dispute resolution mechanisms, offers a strategic blueprint for transitioning from conflict prone hydro hegemony to geostrategic cooperation. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233878.html Since 2023, Israeli military operations have been accompanied by a series of violations of international legal rules and obligations, including deliberate famine, mass killings, the use of prohibited weapons, and other grave breaches. Among such actions, the “Pager Explosion Operation” in Lebanon and Syria stands out, resulting in nearly 40 fatalities and over 3,000 wounded or disabled individuals. This article seeks to answer two key questions: which international legal obligations have been violated by this operation under international law, and what form of legal-international response should be adopted by Iran? Accordingly, through a descriptive-analytical methodology, the article provides a legal assessment of the operation. The findings indicate that the Pager Operation can be evaluated under four legal frameworks: international human rights law, international humanitarian law, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and other specific treaty regimes. Within these frameworks, the operation constitutes multiple violations, including the infringement of the right to life and the commission of extrajudicial killings, the violation of the right to health and dignified living, the breach of obligations prohibiting unnecessary suffering and indiscriminate attacks, the direct targeting of civilians and the infliction of incidental harm, the use of booby-traps, and the violation of the principle of distinction. In light of the recurring threats of similar operations against Iran and its allies and the potential harm to national and regional interests, the article concludes that Iran should employ international legal mechanisms to prevent the recurrence of such unlawful acts or to raise the cost of their commission. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_233881.html The North African region holds strategic importance in Iran's foreign policy due to its substantial Muslim population and historical cultural connections with West Asia. Simultaneously, Egypt and Algeria exert considerable influence in the mass media landscape, impacting both the Arab world and the African continent. This research aims to analyze Islamic Republic of Iran's portrayal in Egyptian and Algerian media, focusing on leading news websites in these countries. Utilizing a qualitative approach, the study employs conventional content analysis of online media content featuring the keyword "Iran" from Egypt and Algeria between 2021 and 2024. The analysis centers on four key indicators: "Iran-West relations," "Iran’s relations with Arab countries," "Iran-Africa relations," and "Iran's internal affairs." The findings suggest a preliminary hypothesis that Iran’s image among African audiences lacks credibility, strength, and prominence. Enhancing this image, which is significantly shaped by Arabic and Western media narratives, necessitates strategic policymaking and effective planning. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_234454.html The war in Ukraine can be considered a major event and a significant development in the international order, with far-reaching consequences in the realm of international politics so far. Among these consequences is its impact on institutions and organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Given the presence of powerful actors like China, India, and Russia, the SCO is regarded as one of the most influential organizations in international politics. Considering this organization's susceptibility to shifts in the international system, such as the war in Ukraine, it is important to note that the SCO Tianjin Summit 2025 served as a demonstration of Shanghai's power. This study seeks to answer the following question using an explanatory-analytical method and the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism: How has the Ukraine war effect on role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Global Politics? The research hypothesis argues that the war in Ukraine has strengthened relations among its member states, thereby raising the SCO's profile and increasing its influence. Findings indicate that the Ukraine crisis has not only increased the organization’s capacity to play a more active role in managing regional and global crises but has also expanded its economic, security, and political functions, fostering the formation and strengthening of an independent economic-security bloc. However, sustaining this trend will require managing internal political divisions, enhancing institutional cohesion, developing technological cooperation, and increasing international legitimacy factors that will determine the organization’s future influence on the global power structure. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_236084.html AbstractThis article examines how the United States’ selective multilateralism contributed to the institutional paralysis of the United Nations in responding to the Zionist regime’s 2023–2024 war against Gaza. Selective multilateralism denotes Washington’s practice of engaging with or bypassing multilateral mechanisms based on whether institutional outcomes advance its strategic interests. This behavior is broadly consistent with structural realism and the instrumentalist view of international institutions (Waltz, 1979; Mearsheimer, 2001), whereas liberal institutionalism and constructivism stress the need for sustained multilateral cooperation and adherence to international norms (Keohane, 1984; Finnemore, 1996).The case study of the Gaza war demonstrates that the United States’ unconditional support for the Israeli regime impeded the Security Council’s functionality, repeatedly blocking ceasefire and condemnation resolutions through the veto. Consequently, the UN’s response was largely confined to General Assembly initiatives and non-binding expressions of concern, with minimal effect on limiting the violence.Using an analytical–theoretical approach, the article explores the concepts of selective multilateralism and institutional paralysis, evaluates the U.S. role in weakening UN effectiveness during the Gaza crisis, and assesses the broader implications for the global multilateral order.Keywords: Selective multilateralism; institutional paralysis; United Nations; Security Council; U.S. foreign policy; Gaza war; structural realism. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_236616.html Following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, military and security cooperation between Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan has increased significantly. Focusing on these expanding ties, this article examines their implications for the geopolitical position and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The central research question asks: What impact have Turkey–Azerbaijan military–security cooperation after the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War had on Iran’s geopolitical weight and national security? According to the authors’ hypothesis, these collaborations—by reducing Iran’s political and geopolitical influence, expanding Turkey’s military and intelligence activities along Iran’s northwestern borders, and promoting pan-Turkist ideas—pose multifaceted threats to Iran’s national security.Employing a qualitative methodology and document analysis, the study draws on academic sources, official documents, and field reports to examine various dimensions of these relations within an integrated theoretical framework combining physical and ontological security. The findings indicate that the deepening of Ankara–Baku military and intelligence ties—such as drone technology transfers, joint military exercises, and strengthened security structures through collaborative initiatives—has constrained Iran’s influence in the South Caucasus and weakened its geopolitical standing. Moreover, the spread of ethnonationalist discourses in Azerbaijan and surrounding regions has generated escalating manipulated identity-based challenges for Iran. The conclusion underscore the need to formulate a comprehensive national strategy to restore regional balance in the South Caucasus and safeguard Iran’s national security—one that synergistically incorporates military, diplomatic, economic, and cultural components. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_236662.html In the discipline of International Relations, the “emotional turn” has challenged the traditional assumption of state rationality by foregrounding how emotions—such as fear, anger, pride, and humiliation—shape not only the perceptions of policymakers but also the collective identity of states. From this perspective, foreign policy is not merely a product of material interests or strategic constraints; it is also an expression of how states feel about themselves and others within a social and historical context. This study investigates the emotional foundations of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy during the Yemen conflict (2011–2024), arguing that emotions—rather than material rationality alone—shaped Riyadh’s strategic behavior. Drawing on Markwica’s Logic of Emotion and an extensive discourse analysis of official speeches, coalition statements, and state-aligned media, the article identifies four dominant affective drivers: fear, pride, anger, and humiliation. The findings reveal that fear of Iranian encirclement triggered the 2015 intervention, pride sustained Saudi leadership narratives, anger fueled escalation during periods of military stalemate, and humiliation after 2019 facilitated diplomatic recalibration. The study contributes to psychological constructivism by demonstrating how emotions become institutionalized in state discourse and operate as causal mechanisms in foreign policy decision-making. The article concludes that Saudi Arabia’s Yemen strategy cannot be understood without recognizing its affective logic, which shaped not only policy outcomes but also the kingdom’s evolving regional identity. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_238527.html The present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing Iranian elites’ attitudes toward China’s role in Iran and the world, and of presenting policy recommendations based on field findings. The theoretical framework of the study is a combination of the constructivist approach, which emphasizes the social construction of political realities, and approaches that focus on the influence of public opinion and elites in the process of foreign policy formulation. Using a survey research method and a researcher-developed questionnaire, the attitudes of 250 Iranian academic, economic, and media elites were measured across four variables of performance, trust, importance, and opportunity, within three domains of economic, cultural–social, and political–security. The findings indicate a multidimensional attitude grounded in strategic realism. In the economic domain, elites acknowledge China’s privileged position as a key actor in the global economy and consider the expansion of trade relations an opportunity for Iran. At the same time, they emphasize the necessity of market diversification, avoiding exclusivity, differentiating China’s role in the energy sector, and technology transfer instead of mere dependence. The level of trust in this domain has been assessed as relatively low due to concerns about product quality and uncertainty regarding long-term commitments. In the cultural–social domain, elites largely view China as an opportunity for developing tourism, academic exchanges, and cultural interactions; however, they consider Iranian society’s knowledge of China’s cultural and social dimensions to be limited and emphasize the need to develop deep, bilateral interactions free from directive oversight. In the political–security domain, although China’s international role and its importance for Iran are acknowledged, the level of trust is low due to Beijing’s ambiguous and interest-driven behavioral record in international organizations and the Middle East region. Elites emphasize Iran’s regional strategic autonomy, leveraging China’s support in international institutions, and avoiding the foundation of foreign policy on the axis of China–U.S. competition. In conclusion, by placing the concept of “national interest” as the link between elites’ attitudes and policymakers, the paper highlights the necessity of formulating an active, smart, and national-interest-based strategy toward China. This strategy should, while benefiting from opportunities for cooperation, focus on preserving strategic autonomy, diversifying foreign relations, and increasing Iran’s bargaining power. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_240328.html The foreign policy behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran in dealing with regional security crises has largely been interpreted within the framework of defensive neorealist theory. Nevertheless, Israel’s hostile conduct during the Twelve-Day War has significantly challenged the explanatory and practical effectiveness of this framework. As a result, a reassessment of Iran’s security doctrine has emerged as a strategic imperative. Using a descriptive–analytical approach and drawing on documentary sources, this study examines the necessity of transforming Iran’s security doctrine and reconfiguring its crisis management strategies in the aftermath of the Twelve-Day War.Within Iran’s security doctrine, the unique characteristics of regional crises have shaped crisis management policies primarily around the principles of self-help and the security dilemma. To date, Iran has pursued strategies focused on enhancing defensive capabilities, strengthening extra-territorial deterrence, engaging in balance-building, and containing perceived threats. Conversely, Israel has sought to counter Tehran through the formation of regional alliances, the employment of covert balancing strategies, the development of advanced missile defense systems, and the strategic involvement of the United States in the region through the securitization of Iran—an approach that became evident in Israel’s recent aggressive military action.With the intensification of security threats, the need for a profound reassessment of the Islamic Republic’s security strategies has become increasingly salient. In this context, prioritizing the enhancement of offensive capabilities, reinforcing geopolitical leverage, managing controlled crises, and expanding regional strategic cooperation—particularly in the Persian Gulf and at extra-regional levels—assumes growing significance. Furthermore, an emphasis on maritime-based geopolitics, extra-territorial balancing, multi-layered and triadic deterrence, and the utilization of advanced non-nuclear technologies can simultaneously strengthen Iran’s defensive and offensive capacities. https://irfajournal.csr.ir/article_240329.html In the new era of international relations, soft power plays an increasingly significant role in foreign policy as a strategic complement to hard power. This research, focusing on the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United Kingdom, aims to identify the capacities, tools, and challenges associated with the exercise of soft power by both countries in historical and contemporary contexts. The primary research question is: How, and through which components, has soft power influenced the formation or evolution of political relations between Iran and the United Kingdom? The research hypothesis posits that the Islamic Republic of Iran's purposeful and indigenous use of soft power can help bridge historical divides and lay the groundwork for reconstructing cultural and diplomatic interactions. The research method is qualitative, based on critical discourse analysis, and complemented by a comparative study of the soft power strategies employed by the two countries. In the theoretical framework, Joseph Nye's concept of soft power has been employed and adapted to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The findings are examined in three key areas: first, the nuclear conflict, where media and public diplomacy became tools for confrontational narratives; second, the context of sanctions, which demonstrated how economic measures can enter the realm of soft warfare; and third, regional geopolitical competition, in which Britain's soft power is exercised through cultural and media institutions, while Iran's soft power is manifested through networks of cultural civilization. The results indicate that soft power, especially when operating under conditions of structural distrust, can effectively mitigate tensions, influence public opinion, and facilitate new diplomatic pathways—provided that institutional coherence, a clear strategy, and a receptive cultural audience support it.